3 The Changing State and Meaning of the "Developing World"
     
    The changes in the world since the Harvard Report was written in the early 1980s have not only broken down the old division of First, Second and Third Worlds; they have shaken the division of the world into "developed" and "developing" countries that has been a fundamental basis of international relations since World War II. The U.S. ambassador gave a vivid expression of changed views when he said bluntly at the 1990 special session of the UN General Assembly on International Economic Co-operation that his country did not wish to continue the development debates of the last three decades and had only agreed to participate in the Special Session with "a great deal of reserve and with very considerable scepticism" [UN Development Forum May-June 1990, pp.1,17]. The U.S. is not alone among the rich countries in this fatigue with the classic conceptions of mutual responsibility between developed and developing countries. Since the 1970s, enthusiasm for development assistance has declined and a readiness appeared to criticise mismanagement and abuses of human rights in the developing countries, replacing earlier indulgence for them.
     
    The developing countries have been less disposed to abandon the familiar basic conceptions but have had to face a breakdown of the simple classification of developed and developing countries. This breakdown began in earnest with the explosion of oil prices in 1973, and the emergence of very rich but still underdeveloped countries. The East Asian tiger cubs began rapid growth in that decade and brought new faith in open, export-oriented economies, a faith that the popularity of Thatcherite-Reaganite doctrines in the Western world amplified during the 1980s. By the late 1980s, the authors of the IBRD's World Development Reports and economists like Paul Krugman had to have four or five subclassifications of what had previously been simply "developing" countries. They had to recognise quite different records of economic growth and different relationships to the world economy.
     
    The differential records of success, stagnation and decline across world regions have become more pronounced, with East and South East Asia rising impressively, South Asia growing only modestly, Africa in alarming decline, and Latin America struggling through debt burdens to a recent upward turn. On the other hand, a growing uniformity of economic ideology has become evident, with socialism in discredit and its past consequences reversed in privatisations as doctrines of open market economies became triumphant. As usual, there have been disputes over the importance of public policy in determining the differences in economic progress, with the weight of criticism falling on governments that restricted the play of market forces. But the much studied record of East Asian successes shows no simple correlation between laissez-faire governmental policies and these successes. The result has been groping for explanations in such things as a "Confucian mentality", the "East Asian developmental state" of some political economists, or even in the moralising of Prime Minister Mahatir or Lee Kuan Yew.
     
    The impact of this newly complicated picture of development and the "developing world" has been felt within this Commission. We have heard reflections on the differential progress of Muslim countries and those in or touched by the Confucian traditions. It seems fair to assume that such reflections are not idiosyncratic to our membership, and express ideas that are now widely present in Muslim countries. But until very recently Pakistan's record of economic growth has been better than that of non-Muslim South Asia neighbours, and some of the South East Asian stars are predominately Muslim countries. But the disquieting thought that many Muslim countries are making slow progress out of poverty not simply because they share the common difficulties of underdevelopment but because their heritage is not as helpful as some other heritages -and these definitely not Western -may now be growing among Muslims. It may point to an enlivened interest in analysis of the distinctive development problems of Muslim societies.
     
    In a broader view, such considerations are an example of the interplay of culture and development which has won increasing attention among those who try to puzzle out what causes some nations to prosper while others flounder. There once was a time when there was strong faith in general theories of economic development applicable to all poor nations. By the 1980s, the existence of a distinctive economics for the developing countries was disputed and its "statist" heritage denounced by the head of USAID and by World Bank economists. When the Harvard Report was written, its authors were conscious of difficult unsolved problems of development policy and management; hence one of the Harvard Committee's major recommendations. The triumph of free-market orthodoxies since 1983 has not yet provided universal solutions to development problems, as differential successes and failures show. The Commission has been impressed that these problems of finding the way to better lives and national futures in the developing countries remain among the most challenging questions facing humanity.
     
    Service to the developing nations and their generic problems has been a cardinal aim of AKU. We must ask if the growing variety in developing countries and changing attitudes toward them should change AKU's declared vocation toward them in the future. We think not, both for ethical and intellectual reasons. Despite a remarkable record of progress over the years since everyone began to talk about "development", there remain a billion human beings in dehumanising poverty, and these people are overwhelmingly in the developing countries. The World Bank can open its 1993 Development Report with a reminder that "Over the past forty years life expectancy has improved more than during the entire previous span of human history", but then must go on to doleful recitation of preventable deaths in the developing countries. Parts of the developing world may be climbing rapidly toward international middleclass standards, but in the stretch of geography from South East Asia to Africa that must remain of particular interest to AKU, 2020 will not see the end of "absolute" poverty and the ills that go with it.
     
    The ethical impulse to maintain AKU's commitment to the "generic problems of development" is reinforced by the intellectual challenges sketched above. There have been successes in development but understanding how it occurs and how best it is fostered has not become easier. It remains full of intellectual challenges for AKU as an institution devoted to higher education and research.
     
    As we shall emphasise in Section V below where we review AKU's position in the network of Aga Khan institutions, the impact of AKU's work on problems of development will be amplified if it can continue to work with international assistance programmes. Looking to the future, we must worry if the rather sour postures toward development assistance in the U.S., Germany, and other countries presage early and sharp decline. In a paper for a USAID sponsored conference in 1992, Mr. Sutton concluded that the U.S. and other foreign aid programmes would be maintained, at least for the decade of the 1990s. ["The World of the 90s" pp.16 ff.] The reasons he saw were essentially two : (1) the political and security uses of foreign aid; (2) the eleemosynary disposition that has always been significant motivation in development assistance and continues in response to disasters and extreme deprivation. The Third World instabilities that brought the Gulf War in 1992, and that have brought Rwandan massacres and North Korean tensions as these lines are written show little prospect of diminishing. They seem to assure continuing commitments of the rich countries to foreign aid support despite reluctant citizenries and legislators. What the forms and quality of that support may be will be important to the prospects of future resources for AKU's programmes and we will return to the subject when we look at these prospects. [Section VIII below]

[Previous] [Next]

 
[Home Page] [Preface] [Executive Summary] [Contents] [Appendix] [List Of Institutions]